What American conservatism cannot be

Why do you keep criticizing leaders and institutions on the right? Why can’t you focus all your fire on the left? Why can’t the right form a united front? Why can’t we all just get along?

In recent years, I’ve gotten used to fielding such questions from people who say they agree with me on most matters — or that they used to agree with me but now find my columns and public comments ill-advised, frustrating, or infuriating.

In response, I point out that I do, in fact, continue to devote lots of critical attention to the political misfires and policy mistakes of the progressive left. During the Biden administration, I opined about its reckless budgets, feckless foreign policies, and lawless transfers of student debt to federal taxpayers. Here in North Carolina, I routinely opposed former Gov. Roy Cooper’s cockamamie budgets, regulatory excesses, and dangerous assaults on popular sovereignty and the rule of law.

But, as I also tell my critics, to be a commentator, activist, or public intellectual is not to play a position on a partisan team. During my nearly 40 years as a newspaper columnist, I’ve freely shared my opinions — that’s the gig — but never endorsed a candidate or urged my audience to pick a side in some Manichean struggle that can only end with the complete victory of one side and the utter defeat of the other.

I believe that the principles of limited government, individual liberty, competitive markets, free speech, free trade, federalism, and the rule of law are essential guides to sound policymaking. I believe that strong families, congregations, and communities create an essential layer of civil society between the state and the individual. I believe such classical virtues as prudence, temperance, courage, and justice are essential to human flourishing. And I believe such practices as honesty, transparency, civility, and responsibility are essential for making politics endurable and self-government enduring.

In the American context, at least, these beliefs place me on the right. American conservatism, properly understood, seeks to conserve the classical liberalism and civic republicanism exemplified in the Declaration of Independence, the United States Constitution, our other founding texts and cherished traditions, and the best efforts of past generations of Americans to deliver on their promise.

In today’s politics, some Americans who consider themselves to be on the right reject many of the beliefs I just articulated. They wish to draw more power to Washington. They exhibit little interest in balancing budgets or reforming entitlements such as Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid (it’s impossible to do the former without the latter). They disdain the classical liberalism of free markets and individual liberty as well as the civic republicanism of mixed constitutions and limits on executive power. Some go further by trafficking in bigotry or crankery.

The version of the American right I champion can be called Freedom Conservatism. Who are its rivals?

One faction calls itself National Conservatism. As the name suggests, National Conservatives believe the nation-state is the fundamental building block of a properly ordered society. In contrast to FreeCons, NatCons are hostile to free trade, religious pluralism, and the decentralization of power across states, localities, private entities, and individual citizens.

Another faction, Post-Liberalism, believes the American Founding was flawed from the outset. Some advocate an explicit integration of church and state, either along Catholic or Protestant lines, while other Post Libs even flirt with such un-American notions as monarchy, aristocracy, or authoritarianism.

The populist right contains other factions, as well, often with less-consistent ideologies than those of the NatCons and PostLibs. Many follow the lead of podcasters such as Tucker Carlson, Candace Owens, and Nick Fuentes in employing antisemitism, anti-capitalism, or other conspiracy theories to explain conditions in the modern world — or in their personal lives — that disappoint, distress, or anger them.

To succeed, American conservatism must be broad. But if it’s broad enough to contain these factions, it will fail and collapse. If it’s broad enough to include them, I’m out.

John Hood is a John Locke Foundation board member. His books Mountain Folk, Forest Folk, and Water Folk combine epic fantasy and American history.